An article was published in 1964, which argued that L. Frank Baum's classic, The Wizard of Oz, which was published in 1900, was in reality an allegory for American politics in the 1890s. In particular, the characters in the story were inspired by the people and events surrounding the Election of 1896 and the titular character was inspired by none other than President William McKinley. In 1893, the United States entered, what was at the time, the worst economic depression in the nation's history. Unemployment, homelessness, and dire want ran rampant. Nearly everyone suffered, but farmers were among the hardest hit. Unable to pay their mortgages, taken advantage of by railroads and eastern bankers, at the mercy of drought and heat, feeling unrepresented by a House and Senate tilted in favor of the urban centers, and unable to gain access to capital, farmers and other rural Americans organized into a new political movement known as populism. Long ignored by the two major political parties, populists finally found their champion in 1896 in the Democratic nominee for president William Jennings Bryan. At only 37 years old, Bryan was energetic, exciting, and full of righteous indignation against the money powers that controlled Washington at the expense of the common man. If there had been Twitter in 1890s, Bryan's followers may very well have been the Bernie Bros of the Gilded Age. Bryan and the Democrats argued for the free coinage of silver to increase the money supply, cause inflation, and provide relief to those in debt at the expense of the eastern banks that controlled the supply of gold. Big Business fought back by supporting Republican nominee Governor William McKinley of Ohio. So in 1896, the average American was searching for their way home wearing (in Baum's story) silver slippers by traveling a golden road to the capital city. In the midst of the political discourse there were the honorable farmers, who lacked a brain. There was heavy industry, that lacked a heart. A political lion in Bryan, who possessed a ferocious roar, but actually posed little threat. Out of the west came a wicked villain that could ultimately be defeated by water. In the capital lived a great and powerful wizard who was all things to all people, but ultimately was nothing but a normal man. Of course, in the end, William McKinley won the election of 1896. His campaign was fueled by big money, a favorable press, and a team of dedicated professionals that created the model for the modern presidential campaign. William Jennings Bryan crisscrossed the nation on a historical whistle-stop tour delivering fiery speeches to thousands of anxious supporters. By contrast, William McKinley, sat on his front porch. Literally. Reporters, influential politicians, and interest groups arrived by the trainload to hear short speeches by the Governor of Ohio. Those that attended the front porch speeches then dispersed the campaign message to millions of newspaper readers, union members, and political organizers. McKinley's team had a campaign headquarters in Chicago that raised an astonishing $3 million dollars and then used it to publish millions and millions of pieces of literature to spread throughout the country. Bryan, on the other hand, was known to pass around a hat at events to take small dollar donations. In total, the Democratic candidate raised less than $500,000. McKinley won, populism was defeated, and an era of Republican domination began.
Often times, presidents don't have much say in the issues that define their presidencies. Rather, it is the circumstances, economic and social, that are thrust upon them that forever define their legacies. For William McKinley, his presidency will always be remembered for war and the the rise of the United States of America as an imperial power. In the late 1800s, the great powers of Europe were busy acquiring territories throughout the world. In Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and the Pacific, European powers were competing for control of natural resources, trade routes, and new markets. They gave little concern for the native inhabitants of the lands they conquered, justifying their land grab through Social Darwinism, the distortion of evolutionary theory in an effort to allow for the dominance of "civilized" nations over "uncivilized" ones. In other words, they believed white people were destined to rule the world, for the benefit of white nations and those they controlled. By the 1890s, western imperialism had reached its zenith. The United States had largely been left out of the equation and influential leaders in Washington feared that America would be unable to compete in the world economically if it didn't follow the model set forth by the European powers. One of the reasons that the United States did not enthusiastically engage in overseas empire building as early as the Europeans was that, unlike the European powers, the U.S. had an entire continent to dominate. While Britain, France, and Germany were carving up Africa and subjugating the people there, the American government was busy doing the same to Native Americans in the west. In short, the United States didn't need new resources and new markets, because the North American continent already offered everything they wanted beyond the western frontier. However, by 1890, the frontier was closed, all Native American tribes had been defeated, all North American territory had been claimed, and American began to look outward. There isn't much evidence to suggest that William McKinley was truly an imperialist at heart. In his inaugural address he proclaimed that "We want no wars of conquest. We must avoid the temptation of territorial aggression." Measured as he may have been during a time of international imperialism, there were others in Washington and even within his own administration that had an appetite for expansion and hungered for war. Individuals like Senator Henry Cabot Lodge and the Assistant Secretary of Navy Theodore Roosevelt saw chaos in the world and believed the United States had a moral responsibility to restore order. McKinley, was less than convinced. However, soon international events 90 miles off the coast Florida would make America's role in the world the center of the McKinley agenda.
For years, Americans had an economic interest in Cuba. Prior to the Civil War, southern leaders attempted to purchase Cuba. After all, it already had hundreds of plantations and a subservient labor system. Though America never purchased Cuba and the Civil War killed the plantation system, the vast resources of cotton, sugar cane, and tobacco still tempted American investors. Cuba also had military value for the United States. A naval base in the Caribbean would be a tremendous benefit to America's security. By 1890s, a small but vocal minority of Cuban immigrants were holding rallies and bringing the nation's attention to the abuses of the Spanish government in Cuba. Newspaper men were quick to take notice. Media giants such as Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst, who wielded tremendous influence over public opinion, saw an opportunity and began dispatching reporters and publishing stories about the brutality of the Spanish regime. The headlines were a boon for the newspaper industry and the public began to call for American intervention. President McKinley demonstrated caution addressing the Cuba issue, unwillingly to easily give into the calls for military intervention. Many Americans saw parallels between Cuba's struggle to break free from colonial control and America's own revolutionary past. Many in the business community hoped for a peaceful solution to the crisis, worrying that the ongoing instability would threaten American economic interests on the island and trade throughout the Caribbean. Then of course, there were the imperialists in Washington, anxious to exploit the revolt as an excuse to seize territory from a weaker European power and grant the U.S. access to new markets. McKinley's response was measured, sending diplomats to Spain in hopes of negotiating a peace between the warring parties. If Spain would grant the Cubans their long sought independence, it could potentially bring stability to the region without firing a shot. Furthermore, with Spain no longer in the picture, U.S. companies could more freely invest in Cuba. The Spanish were not interested in negotiating, the unrest continued, and the drums of war began to grow in strength.
In January 1898, responding to a request from an American diplomat in Havana, McKinley ordered the USS Maine to Cuba to protect American interests there. On February 15, the Maine exploded while in Havana harbor. 266 American sailors were killed. The newspapers claimed the explosion had been the result of a Spanish mine. The public demanded action to address the alleged Spanish treachery. Spain denied any involvement in the incident. Nearly 80 years later, an investigation concluded that the Spanish were telling the truth, that the explosion had been caused by an internal fire in the coal bunker. Of course, by then it was too late. In 1898, the cry went out "Remember the Maine! To hell with Spain!" McKinley remained resistant to military action, however by April public sentiment was squarely on the side of war. On April 11, 1898 McKinley turned the issue over to Congress seeking their approval to send troops to Cuba. The resolution that passed, while not an official declaration of war, made it clear to Spain that it would face consequences if it did not give into American demands to withdrawal from Cuba and grant the island its independence. To satisfy the anti-imperialist factions in Congress, the resolution also included the Teller Amendment, which stated that the United States would not control Cuba after the Spanish were removed. Spain, of course, did not give into American demands and threatened war. By April 21, all pretext was removed and the United States was at war with a European power for the first time since the War of 1812.
The Spanish forces in Cuba were no match for the Americans. However, the invasion of Cuba was a logistical nightmare for the Americans. Soldiers had to compete with sweltering heat, foul drinking water, rotting rations, and a lack of supplies. It didn't help that a number of senior officers were relics of the Civil War, whose fight days had long since passed them by. As they made landfall in Cuba, many cavalry units lost numerous horses due to drowning. The segregated American army led to intense racial tensions, especially when African American soldiers found that they were treated far worse by the white commanders than the Cuban rebels of African descent. And of the course, the greatest enemy the Americans faced was disease. Over the course of the short war, fewer than 400 Americans were killed on the battlefield. At the same time, more than 2,000 died of disease. None of this mattered to Roosevelt. His exploits in Cuba at the Battle of Kettle Hill bordered somewhere between bravery and recklessness. His leadership of the Rough Riders made him a hero to his men and, thanks to the well executed PR campaign that followed, made him a national political figure. American forces dominated the Spanish in Cuba. They also launched an invasion of Puerto Rico to dislodge the Spanish from that colony as well. With the Spanish fleet and army defeated, and a scourge of yellow fever wreaking havoc on both sides, an armistice was signed in mid-August. The peace treaty that was signed later granted Cuba its independence and surrendered the Spanish colonies of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines to the United States. In less than a year's time, the United States had become an imperial power. The Spanish American War was, in the mind of the American public, neat and tidy. It was short, one-sided, cost relatively little in blood and treasure, and the United States was the clear winner. "The Splendid Little War" as some called it was popular and set an unreal expectation in the mind of many Americans as to what to expect in a war. To be sure, there were plenty of Americans who questioned the United States' imperial ambition. Politicians, religious leaders, professors, business leaders, and public figures such as Mark Twain organized the Anti-Imperialist League to opposed the acquisition of territory under the American flag. Some opposed imperialism because they found it immoral, others because it seemed to repudiate America's colonial past and undermine the ideas of democracy and self government. Still others argued that maintaining such an empire would bankrupt the country. The opposition was loud, well organized, but ultimately unsuccessful. The Spanish American War had made a winner out of America, and everyone likes a winner.
With the Election of 1900 approaching, Republican leaders saw an opportunity. If the GOP could nominate Theodore Roosevelt as the VP nominee, they would be able to capitalize on his popularity and charisma, while at the same time removing him from power in New York. McKinley ally Mark Hanna, the famed Republican political strategist and politician, was less than convinced that the VP slot was harmless. "Don't any of you realize there's only one life between that madman at the Presidency!" Hanna told associates. The Vice Presidency was viewed as little more than a ceremonial office where political careers go to die. Unlike today, presidential candidates in the 1800s did not personally select a running mate to serve as their potential VP. McKinley insisted that it was up to the delegates at the party convention to select a nominee for vice president, not him. Although, it is unlikely any nominee would have been chosen without his blessing. At the convention in June of 1900, McKinley was unanimously renominated. Roosevelt was nominated on the first ballot to serve as the Republican vice presidential nominee. There was one notable delegate to the convention that voted against Roosevelt's nomination: Theodore Roosevelt himself. He had no interest in the job. Once nominated however, he threw himself into vicariously campaigning for McKinley. He traveled the country holding rallies and matching McKinley's Round 2 opponent William Jennings Bryan, speech for fiery speech. When the votes were counted, McKinley had won in a landslide.
As the years passed, the enigmatic Czolgosz became extremely interested in America's numerous socialist organizations. It wasn't long before he moved on and his interest turned to the small but growing anarchists movement. When he would attend anarchists meetings, he was so inquisitive about the movement that the anarchists themselves became concerned about him, assuming he was some sort of spy. In June of 1900, Italian King Umberto I was murdered by an anarchist who would claimed that he was doing it for the benefit of the oppressed common man. The act of violence inspired Leon Czolgosz to become a hero for the anarchist cause himself. He made the decision to kill President McKinley.
In September 1901, just six months into his second term, McKinley travelled to the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, NY. Czolgosz traveled to Buffalo as well, keeping a close eye on the President's every movement. On September 6, McKinley went to the Temple of Music to make a public appearance and shake hands with well wishers. Czolgosz joined the line of excited festival goers. As he approached the President, Czolgosz concealed a revolver beneath a cloth that was wrapped around his hand as if it were bandaged. As the President extended his hand to greet Czolgosz, two shots rang out. Czolgosz shot McKinley in the stomach at point blank range. The assassin was immediately apprehended and the President was hurried away to receive medical attention. Vice President Roosevelt was hiking in the Adirondacks at the time and received word from a messenger on horseback that he needed to go to Buffalo immediately. McKinley would succumb to his wounds a few days later. The nation mourned his death in a way not seen since the murder of Abraham Lincoln 36 years earlier. William McKinley's presidency came to an end on September 14, 1901. His successor Theodore Roosevelt, would go on to usher in a new era of American Presidents and American leadership in the world. As a precedent setting, mold breaking, reformer, Theodore Roosevelt would go on to become an American icon and one of the greatest Presidents the nation has ever had. The size of his legacy seems to dwarf that of the man he was selected to serve beside, William McKinley. However, McKinley should be remembered for the success that he was. He was a wartime president, but he didn't desire war. He oversaw the growth of the American empire, with all of it's problems and contradictions, but he wasn't truly an imperialist. He was big business Republican, but he had a genuine concern for the plight of the working man. In the end, whether as a teenager bravely defending the Union and opposing the slavery, or as an effective Congressman and Governor, to his time as President of the United States, William McKinley served his country well.
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