Scott Harris, Executive Director of the James Monroe Museum, likes to compare former president James Monroe to the fictional character Forrest Gump. Much like the titular character portrayed by Tom Hanks in the 1994 film, James Monroe seemed to have a knack for being, almost serendipitously around significant historical events throughout his life. As a young soldier in the American Revolution, Monroe was with Washington as he famously crossed the Delaware River. He is portrayed, inaccurately, as holding the American flag in Washington's boat in the famous painting by Emanuel Leutez, Washington Crossing the Delaware. He later can be seen with a bandaged arm in John Trumbull's iconic The Capture of the Hessians at Trenton, After the war, he joined the Continental Congress. During the debate over ratification of the Constitution, Monroe stood with anti-federalists, but was willing to support the Constitution if it was amended to include a Bill of Rights. In the end, his argument carried the day. Early in the new republic, Monroe served as a Senator from Virginia. It was during this time that he, a staunch Democratic-Republican clashed with the leader of the Federalists, Alexander Hamilton. Fans of the Broadway hit Hamilton will be interested to know that, although he isn't a character in the musical, it was Monroe that was tasked with investigating accusations of corruption that would lead to the discovery of the Hamilton-Reynolds Affair immortalized in the songs "We Know" and "The Reynolds Pamphlet". After a few years in the Senate, he was appointed by President Washington to be his ambassador to France. It was at this time that he witnessed the dysfunction and chaos of the French Revolution. His time in France would be the first step in a long and distinguished career as a diplomat. After briefly serving as the Governor of Virginia, Monroe once again went on to serve his nation abroad. President Thomas Jefferson dispatched Monroe to France to settle a growing dispute between France and the United States over access to the Mississippi River. It was at this time that James Monroe would personally negotiate the Louisiana Purchase, which doubled the size of the United States. The next year, Monroe was present to witness the coronation of Napoleon Bonaparte as Emperor of France. During the presidency of James Madison, Monroe served as both Secretary of State and Secretary of War at the same time. In 1816, Monroe was the obvious choice to be the Democratic-Republican nominee for president. He won the Election of 1816 in landslide making him the 4th and final member of the so-called Virginia Dynasty that dominated the first 30 years of presidential politics.
By the time he reached New England, once the hotbed of the Federalist Party, Monroe, a Democratic-Republican, was drawing bigger and bigger crowds. The Federalist Party was quickly fading away and with it the staunch political battles that defined the early republic. In describing Monroe's visit and the sense of patriotic nationalism that had replaced the old political divisions, a Boston newspaper proclaimed that the United States was now experiencing an "Era of Good Feelings." The name stuck and came to define Monroe's presidency. James Monroe was an effective, though not a handson, President. He surrounded himself with some of the best political minds of the era and his cabinet rivals that of any president. John Quincy Adams at State, William Crawford at Treasury, John C. Calhoun at War, and William Wirt at Treasury, represented a diversity of ideas, experience, and regional interests. These men were also all political rivals. Monroe was able to effectively manage a cabinet full of strong personalities and even stronger political ambitions to do the nation's business. It makes perfect sense that Monroe wouldn't be the most active and involved leader. As mentioned earlier, during the debate over ratification of the Constitution, Monroe stood with the anti-federalists who opposed the creation of the new government and with it it the creation of the presidency. Monroe, like many Democratic-Republicans, had real fear about the centralization of power in the federal government. While many politicians who express such concerns, abandon their principles once they are the one in power, Monroe seems to be consistent in his beliefs.
When Missouri applied for statehood, Northern Congressman would only agree to allow its admission if slavery was not allowed to survive in the territory. They supported an amendment submitted by James Tallmadge of New York that would called for the gradual emancipation of the slaves currently in the territory. Southern lawmakers cried foul. At the time of the debate, there were 11 free states and 11 slave states. Monroe, an inactive president, allowed for Congress to settle the debate rather than throwing himself into the fray. In the end, a deal was brokered that temporarily settled the issue by kicking the can down the road for future generations to deal with. Missouri was added as a slave state. Maine, which previously was a disconnected northern county of Massachusetts, entered the union as a free state. Finally, the southern border of Missouri was henceforth to be the northern border of slavery. The institution would be banned in any future state that joined the union from the territory acquired as part of the Louisiana Purchase north of Missouri. The Missouri Compromise proved that, while the partisan disagreements of the early republic had indeed fallen by the wayside during the Era of Good Feelings, they were quickly being replaced by divisions even more alarming: sectionalism. There were other issues that threatened to undermine the good feelings of the Monroe presidency. Like every generation to come, Americans in the early 1800s had a confounding problem: Florida. Florida was, at least in name, a possession of Spain. However, the Spanish exercised little control over the swamp covered peninsula. Seminole Indians, often times with the encouragement of British privateers, raided American settlements in Georgia. Monroe dispatched General Andrew Jackson to invade Florida to deal with the Seminole threat. While in Florida, Jackson exceeded his orders, arrested British citizens and hanged them, before seizing the poorly defended Spanish fort at Pensacola. Jackson's reckless actions had created a international incident between the United States, a powerful Native American tribe, and two European powers. Fortunately, Monroe's outstanding Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, diffused the situation and convinced the Spanish that it would be in their best interest to sell Florida to the United States and establish a defined border between Spanish colonies and the United States south of the Louisiana territory. American policy toward European powers regarding territory in the New World would go on to be the defining characteristic of the Monroe legacy. During Monroe's first term, numerous former Spanish colonies throughout Central and South America gained their independence. Much to the dismay of European powers, the President quickly recognized the legitimacy of the new governments of Latin America. In 1823, midway through the President's second term in office, he delivered his annual message to Congress. Like every president of the era, the message was a written and delivered to Congress, far different from the primetime speech we know today with all of its pomp and circumstance. The message included a brief statement written by Monroe's Secretary of State, John Qunicy Adams. "The occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers." Essentially, the statement claimed that it was in the best interest of the United States to see that all independent nations in the Americas remained sovereign. Furthermore, if European powers tried to control or oppress the nations of Central and South America, their actions would be viewed as having an "unfriendly disposition toward the United States." The statement was met with mixed reviews throughout Europe and the Americas, but for all practical purposes the United States was claiming that the Western Hemisphere was off limits to European involvement and it would take measures to ensure that other world powers stayed out of its backyard. It wouldn't be until the 1850s, long after Monroe and most of his administration had passed away, that the term "Monroe Doctrine" was coined. Over the years, the doctrine would be added to and modified. Beginning in the 1890s and continuing until modern times, the United States has used economic, political, and at times military power, to maintain order and stability in the Western Hemisphere. The doctrine was particularly popular during the age of imperialism in which various administrations used it to more or less do what they wanted in Latin America. It is unlikely that Monroe or his cabinet could have imagined the influence a simple written statement issued in 1823 would have on American foreign policy for generations to come.
In 1824, Monroe honored the tradition established by George Washington and elected not to seek a third term as president. As he stepped aside, men of great ambition rose up to take his place; many of them from his own cabinet. Four members of the Monroe administration initially sought the presidency in 1824: John Q. Adams, William Crawford, John C. Calhoun, and Smith Thompson. Though Calhoun and Thompson, would eventually drop out, they were replaced in the race by two far more formidable candidates: Speaker of the House Henry Clay and General Andrew Jackson. Why were there so many candidates? Because, after all, this was the Era of Good Feelings and there was only one political party. The general election was tantamount to one of today's primary campaigns. 1824 was different from prior presidential contests. Unlike previous generations of American civic leaders, these new candidates were politicians, through and through. It was election of 1824 that would prove that the Era of Good Feelings was, in fact, over.
James Monroe left office in March 1825 after welcoming President John Quincy Adams to the White House. He retired to his home in Virginia. At the time, Congress didn't allocate funds to pay staff for the President. Monroe, like other presidents of the era, paid for most of the White House's expenses out of his own pocket, amassing tremendous debt. This caused Monroe to sell away much of his property after his time in office. Eventually, in poor health and financially insolvent, Monroe moved to New York City to live with his daughter and her family. Fittingly, the former president passed away on July 4, 1831 joining John Adams and Thomas Jefferson as the 3rd president to die on the anniversary of America's independence. James Monroe was the last of the founding generation to serve as President of the United States. As a young man he had fought alongside Washington to win America's independence. Wounded in battle, with a bullet lodged in his arm, he literally carried a piece of the revolution with him for the rest of his life. A skilled legislator, diplomat, and cabinet secretary, Monroe, like others of his generation, served their nation in whatever capacity they were asked. Though they were men of great ambition, prone to errors and missteps, they were far different from the professional politicians that would replace them on the national scene. James Monroe, like those presidents before him, was a statesman. A caretaker of the republic, content to lead from a position of quiet strength. Such leadership is rare in today's America, but desperately needed.
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An article was published in 1964, which argued that L. Frank Baum's classic, The Wizard of Oz, which was published in 1900, was in reality an allegory for American politics in the 1890s. In particular, the characters in the story were inspired by the people and events surrounding the Election of 1896 and the titular character was inspired by none other than President William McKinley. In 1893, the United States entered, what was at the time, the worst economic depression in the nation's history. Unemployment, homelessness, and dire want ran rampant. Nearly everyone suffered, but farmers were among the hardest hit. Unable to pay their mortgages, taken advantage of by railroads and eastern bankers, at the mercy of drought and heat, feeling unrepresented by a House and Senate tilted in favor of the urban centers, and unable to gain access to capital, farmers and other rural Americans organized into a new political movement known as populism. Long ignored by the two major political parties, populists finally found their champion in 1896 in the Democratic nominee for president William Jennings Bryan. At only 37 years old, Bryan was energetic, exciting, and full of righteous indignation against the money powers that controlled Washington at the expense of the common man. If there had been Twitter in 1890s, Bryan's followers may very well have been the Bernie Bros of the Gilded Age. Bryan and the Democrats argued for the free coinage of silver to increase the money supply, cause inflation, and provide relief to those in debt at the expense of the eastern banks that controlled the supply of gold. Big Business fought back by supporting Republican nominee Governor William McKinley of Ohio. So in 1896, the average American was searching for their way home wearing (in Baum's story) silver slippers by traveling a golden road to the capital city. In the midst of the political discourse there were the honorable farmers, who lacked a brain. There was heavy industry, that lacked a heart. A political lion in Bryan, who possessed a ferocious roar, but actually posed little threat. Out of the west came a wicked villain that could ultimately be defeated by water. In the capital lived a great and powerful wizard who was all things to all people, but ultimately was nothing but a normal man. Of course, in the end, William McKinley won the election of 1896. His campaign was fueled by big money, a favorable press, and a team of dedicated professionals that created the model for the modern presidential campaign. William Jennings Bryan crisscrossed the nation on a historical whistle-stop tour delivering fiery speeches to thousands of anxious supporters. By contrast, William McKinley, sat on his front porch. Literally. Reporters, influential politicians, and interest groups arrived by the trainload to hear short speeches by the Governor of Ohio. Those that attended the front porch speeches then dispersed the campaign message to millions of newspaper readers, union members, and political organizers. McKinley's team had a campaign headquarters in Chicago that raised an astonishing $3 million dollars and then used it to publish millions and millions of pieces of literature to spread throughout the country. Bryan, on the other hand, was known to pass around a hat at events to take small dollar donations. In total, the Democratic candidate raised less than $500,000. McKinley won, populism was defeated, and an era of Republican domination began.
Often times, presidents don't have much say in the issues that define their presidencies. Rather, it is the circumstances, economic and social, that are thrust upon them that forever define their legacies. For William McKinley, his presidency will always be remembered for war and the the rise of the United States of America as an imperial power. In the late 1800s, the great powers of Europe were busy acquiring territories throughout the world. In Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and the Pacific, European powers were competing for control of natural resources, trade routes, and new markets. They gave little concern for the native inhabitants of the lands they conquered, justifying their land grab through Social Darwinism, the distortion of evolutionary theory in an effort to allow for the dominance of "civilized" nations over "uncivilized" ones. In other words, they believed white people were destined to rule the world, for the benefit of white nations and those they controlled. By the 1890s, western imperialism had reached its zenith. The United States had largely been left out of the equation and influential leaders in Washington feared that America would be unable to compete in the world economically if it didn't follow the model set forth by the European powers. One of the reasons that the United States did not enthusiastically engage in overseas empire building as early as the Europeans was that, unlike the European powers, the U.S. had an entire continent to dominate. While Britain, France, and Germany were carving up Africa and subjugating the people there, the American government was busy doing the same to Native Americans in the west. In short, the United States didn't need new resources and new markets, because the North American continent already offered everything they wanted beyond the western frontier. However, by 1890, the frontier was closed, all Native American tribes had been defeated, all North American territory had been claimed, and American began to look outward. There isn't much evidence to suggest that William McKinley was truly an imperialist at heart. In his inaugural address he proclaimed that "We want no wars of conquest. We must avoid the temptation of territorial aggression." Measured as he may have been during a time of international imperialism, there were others in Washington and even within his own administration that had an appetite for expansion and hungered for war. Individuals like Senator Henry Cabot Lodge and the Assistant Secretary of Navy Theodore Roosevelt saw chaos in the world and believed the United States had a moral responsibility to restore order. McKinley, was less than convinced. However, soon international events 90 miles off the coast Florida would make America's role in the world the center of the McKinley agenda.
For years, Americans had an economic interest in Cuba. Prior to the Civil War, southern leaders attempted to purchase Cuba. After all, it already had hundreds of plantations and a subservient labor system. Though America never purchased Cuba and the Civil War killed the plantation system, the vast resources of cotton, sugar cane, and tobacco still tempted American investors. Cuba also had military value for the United States. A naval base in the Caribbean would be a tremendous benefit to America's security. By 1890s, a small but vocal minority of Cuban immigrants were holding rallies and bringing the nation's attention to the abuses of the Spanish government in Cuba. Newspaper men were quick to take notice. Media giants such as Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst, who wielded tremendous influence over public opinion, saw an opportunity and began dispatching reporters and publishing stories about the brutality of the Spanish regime. The headlines were a boon for the newspaper industry and the public began to call for American intervention. President McKinley demonstrated caution addressing the Cuba issue, unwillingly to easily give into the calls for military intervention. Many Americans saw parallels between Cuba's struggle to break free from colonial control and America's own revolutionary past. Many in the business community hoped for a peaceful solution to the crisis, worrying that the ongoing instability would threaten American economic interests on the island and trade throughout the Caribbean. Then of course, there were the imperialists in Washington, anxious to exploit the revolt as an excuse to seize territory from a weaker European power and grant the U.S. access to new markets. McKinley's response was measured, sending diplomats to Spain in hopes of negotiating a peace between the warring parties. If Spain would grant the Cubans their long sought independence, it could potentially bring stability to the region without firing a shot. Furthermore, with Spain no longer in the picture, U.S. companies could more freely invest in Cuba. The Spanish were not interested in negotiating, the unrest continued, and the drums of war began to grow in strength.
In January 1898, responding to a request from an American diplomat in Havana, McKinley ordered the USS Maine to Cuba to protect American interests there. On February 15, the Maine exploded while in Havana harbor. 266 American sailors were killed. The newspapers claimed the explosion had been the result of a Spanish mine. The public demanded action to address the alleged Spanish treachery. Spain denied any involvement in the incident. Nearly 80 years later, an investigation concluded that the Spanish were telling the truth, that the explosion had been caused by an internal fire in the coal bunker. Of course, by then it was too late. In 1898, the cry went out "Remember the Maine! To hell with Spain!" McKinley remained resistant to military action, however by April public sentiment was squarely on the side of war. On April 11, 1898 McKinley turned the issue over to Congress seeking their approval to send troops to Cuba. The resolution that passed, while not an official declaration of war, made it clear to Spain that it would face consequences if it did not give into American demands to withdrawal from Cuba and grant the island its independence. To satisfy the anti-imperialist factions in Congress, the resolution also included the Teller Amendment, which stated that the United States would not control Cuba after the Spanish were removed. Spain, of course, did not give into American demands and threatened war. By April 21, all pretext was removed and the United States was at war with a European power for the first time since the War of 1812.
The Spanish forces in Cuba were no match for the Americans. However, the invasion of Cuba was a logistical nightmare for the Americans. Soldiers had to compete with sweltering heat, foul drinking water, rotting rations, and a lack of supplies. It didn't help that a number of senior officers were relics of the Civil War, whose fight days had long since passed them by. As they made landfall in Cuba, many cavalry units lost numerous horses due to drowning. The segregated American army led to intense racial tensions, especially when African American soldiers found that they were treated far worse by the white commanders than the Cuban rebels of African descent. And of the course, the greatest enemy the Americans faced was disease. Over the course of the short war, fewer than 400 Americans were killed on the battlefield. At the same time, more than 2,000 died of disease. None of this mattered to Roosevelt. His exploits in Cuba at the Battle of Kettle Hill bordered somewhere between bravery and recklessness. His leadership of the Rough Riders made him a hero to his men and, thanks to the well executed PR campaign that followed, made him a national political figure. American forces dominated the Spanish in Cuba. They also launched an invasion of Puerto Rico to dislodge the Spanish from that colony as well. With the Spanish fleet and army defeated, and a scourge of yellow fever wreaking havoc on both sides, an armistice was signed in mid-August. The peace treaty that was signed later granted Cuba its independence and surrendered the Spanish colonies of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines to the United States. In less than a year's time, the United States had become an imperial power. The Spanish American War was, in the mind of the American public, neat and tidy. It was short, one-sided, cost relatively little in blood and treasure, and the United States was the clear winner. "The Splendid Little War" as some called it was popular and set an unreal expectation in the mind of many Americans as to what to expect in a war. To be sure, there were plenty of Americans who questioned the United States' imperial ambition. Politicians, religious leaders, professors, business leaders, and public figures such as Mark Twain organized the Anti-Imperialist League to opposed the acquisition of territory under the American flag. Some opposed imperialism because they found it immoral, others because it seemed to repudiate America's colonial past and undermine the ideas of democracy and self government. Still others argued that maintaining such an empire would bankrupt the country. The opposition was loud, well organized, but ultimately unsuccessful. The Spanish American War had made a winner out of America, and everyone likes a winner.
With the Election of 1900 approaching, Republican leaders saw an opportunity. If the GOP could nominate Theodore Roosevelt as the VP nominee, they would be able to capitalize on his popularity and charisma, while at the same time removing him from power in New York. McKinley ally Mark Hanna, the famed Republican political strategist and politician, was less than convinced that the VP slot was harmless. "Don't any of you realize there's only one life between that madman at the Presidency!" Hanna told associates. The Vice Presidency was viewed as little more than a ceremonial office where political careers go to die. Unlike today, presidential candidates in the 1800s did not personally select a running mate to serve as their potential VP. McKinley insisted that it was up to the delegates at the party convention to select a nominee for vice president, not him. Although, it is unlikely any nominee would have been chosen without his blessing. At the convention in June of 1900, McKinley was unanimously renominated. Roosevelt was nominated on the first ballot to serve as the Republican vice presidential nominee. There was one notable delegate to the convention that voted against Roosevelt's nomination: Theodore Roosevelt himself. He had no interest in the job. Once nominated however, he threw himself into vicariously campaigning for McKinley. He traveled the country holding rallies and matching McKinley's Round 2 opponent William Jennings Bryan, speech for fiery speech. When the votes were counted, McKinley had won in a landslide.
As the years passed, the enigmatic Czolgosz became extremely interested in America's numerous socialist organizations. It wasn't long before he moved on and his interest turned to the small but growing anarchists movement. When he would attend anarchists meetings, he was so inquisitive about the movement that the anarchists themselves became concerned about him, assuming he was some sort of spy. In June of 1900, Italian King Umberto I was murdered by an anarchist who would claimed that he was doing it for the benefit of the oppressed common man. The act of violence inspired Leon Czolgosz to become a hero for the anarchist cause himself. He made the decision to kill President McKinley.
In September 1901, just six months into his second term, McKinley travelled to the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, NY. Czolgosz traveled to Buffalo as well, keeping a close eye on the President's every movement. On September 6, McKinley went to the Temple of Music to make a public appearance and shake hands with well wishers. Czolgosz joined the line of excited festival goers. As he approached the President, Czolgosz concealed a revolver beneath a cloth that was wrapped around his hand as if it were bandaged. As the President extended his hand to greet Czolgosz, two shots rang out. Czolgosz shot McKinley in the stomach at point blank range. The assassin was immediately apprehended and the President was hurried away to receive medical attention. Vice President Roosevelt was hiking in the Adirondacks at the time and received word from a messenger on horseback that he needed to go to Buffalo immediately. McKinley would succumb to his wounds a few days later. The nation mourned his death in a way not seen since the murder of Abraham Lincoln 36 years earlier. William McKinley's presidency came to an end on September 14, 1901. His successor Theodore Roosevelt, would go on to usher in a new era of American Presidents and American leadership in the world. As a precedent setting, mold breaking, reformer, Theodore Roosevelt would go on to become an American icon and one of the greatest Presidents the nation has ever had. The size of his legacy seems to dwarf that of the man he was selected to serve beside, William McKinley. However, McKinley should be remembered for the success that he was. He was a wartime president, but he didn't desire war. He oversaw the growth of the American empire, with all of it's problems and contradictions, but he wasn't truly an imperialist. He was big business Republican, but he had a genuine concern for the plight of the working man. In the end, whether as a teenager bravely defending the Union and opposing the slavery, or as an effective Congressman and Governor, to his time as President of the United States, William McKinley served his country well. The 1992 presidential election was the first in my lifetime that I can remember. I vividly recall trying to convince my 2nd grade classmates to cast a vote for Bill Clinton in our Weekly Reader student election because "I heard that he said he's going to put more toys in toy stores if he becomes president." I'm not sure where I came up with that particular lie, but it seemed reasonable enough. In truth, I probably just thought the idea of having a new president was neat. Although, I doubt I really understood what a president actually was. Later, I remember taking time out of our music class to watch his first inauguration in January of 1993. That is when I became aware of politics and of Bill Clinton. However, his rise to the presidency began some 30 years earlier. In 1963, a 16 year old William Jefferson Clinton found himself standing in the White House Rose Garden, a representative of the American Legion Boys Nation, preparing to meet President John F. Kennedy. The encounter was brief but impactful. Later that year, he found himself mesmerized by the words of Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream Speech". Being inspired by great men was nothing new for young Bill. At the age of 11, his Sunday School teacher took him to a BIlly Graham Crusade. Clinton was so moved by Graham's message and by his insistence that his crusade by fully integrated in a segregated state, that he began sending small amounts of his allowance to Graham's organization. By the end of 1963, young Bill Clinton, long inspired by great men in public service, decided that he wanted to become one. His natural charisma and overwhelming ambition gave him an advantage afforded to very few. The Presidency, not simply public service, became Bill Clinton's ultimate goal. However, the some of the character traits that made him a rare political talent, also proved to be some of his greatest stumbling blocks. Bill Clinton was born William Jefferson Blythe III in 1946 in Hope, AR. His parents marriage was controversial because his father had married his mother before his divorce to his previous wife was finalized. Bill never met his father because he died in a car accident shortly before Bill's birth. For several years, Bill was raised by his grandparents while his mother moved away to study nursing. When she returned home, she married the man that would become Bill's stepfather Roger Clinton Sr. The entire family moved to Hot Springs, AR where Clinton owned a car dealership. Eventually, Bill would take his stepfather's surname, but their relationship was very strained as his stepfather was an alcoholic and abusive toward his mother. Later in life, shortly before Roger's death, the two repaired their relationship. Clinton was a gifted student. His academic prowess opened many doors for him in life including earning a scholarship to Georgetown University. While there he had his first taste of politics. Later he would earn a Rhodes Scholarship which allowed him to study at Oxford University in England. After a year of studies at Oxford, Clinton return to the United States to study law at Yale University. At Yale, Clinton shared the classroom with students that would go on to be some of the most influential political figures of the late 20th century: future Secretary of Labor Robert Reich, Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, and future Secretary of State, Senator, and First Lady of the United States Hillary Rodham Clinton.
In 1978, at only 32 years of age, Bill Clinton was elected Governor of Arkansas. His administration focused on education reform. However, a rocky term led to his defeat in 1980 after only two years. In 1982, Clinton completed the first of what would be many political comebacks, winning a second term as governor. Clinton would hold the office for 10 years. This time around, Hillary would be a very active and public part of his administration. Hillary was named the chair of the Arkansas Educational Standards Committee at a time when the Clinton administration was seeking to reform Arkansas struggling education system. When Clinton's reform package passed, it was viewed as a major achievement and solidified Hillary as an effective, capable, and valuable partner for Bill. Throughout the 1980s, Clinton was viewed as a rising star within Democratic politics. This was at a time when the national Democratic Party was in desperate need of rebranding. After passing on a presidential run in 1988, the ever ambitious Clinton was ready to enter the national arena in 1992. Success in 1992 was anything but a forgone conclusion for Bill Clinton. Other Democratic politicians including California Governor Jerry Brown were leading him in the polls. The Republican President George Bush, fresh off an overwhelming successful military effort in Iraq, was well-liked even as the economy began to struggle. Perhaps most importantly, Clinton's personal life and character were coming under fire. Reports surfaced in early 1992 of an extramarital affair that Clinton had with Gennifer Flowers while governor of Arkansas. The news was devastating to Clinton as he began to fall in the polls. However, as would often prove to be the case, Hillary Clinton stepped up. BIll and Hillary sat for an televised interview with 60 Minutes in which the two addressed the allegations and Hillary offered strong support for her husband. The interview had its desired effect as Clinton began to rise in the polls, earning Clinton the moniker "The Comeback Kid". In June of '92, Clinton had secured the Democratic nomination for President. Clinton may have weathered the storm of marital infidelity accusations during the Democratic Primary, but his sexual peccadilloes would prove to be his greatest liability throughout the remainder of his public life.
Another such example happened in the summer of 1993, when Clinton won passage of a budget bill that cut taxes for low income families while raising taxes on the super wealthy. Such actions helped to lay the foundation for the balanced budgets, budget surpluses, and strong economic growth that defined the 1990s. On the judicial front, in 1993 and 1994, Clinton appointed two justices to the United States Supreme Court. Ruth Bader Ginsberg and Stephen Breyer have been the foundation of liberal wing of the Court for the better part of 30 years. Ginsberg in particular, has achieved an iconic level of stature rarely seen in American politics, particularly among unelected officials. During his first term, Clinton also signed into law the Brady Bill which mandated background checks and waiting periods for most firearm purchases throughout the country. The Brady Bill was the kind of common sense gun safety legislation that would be unthinkable in the NRA funded feckless Congresses that have ruled Washington for much of the past 20 years. Despite his many successes, Clinton had a number of high profile failures, embarrassments, and scandals that plagued his first term as president. On the legislative front, Clinton set his sights on the white whale of progressive politics: healthcare reform. Since the days of Theodore Roosevelt, progressives had sought to address the inequities within the American healthcare system. There had been some significant achievements throughout the years, but by the early 1990s new problems were developing. Most notably, skyrocketing healthcare costs. In 1993, President Clinton announced his plans for reforming the American healthcare system. To lead the effort, Clinton selected his one of his most valuable advisors to serve as the chair of the taskforce responsible for developing the plan: First Lady Hillary Clinton. The goal was to achieve universal coverage for all Americans by ensuring that everyone was enrolled in a health insurance plan. Most plans would be provided through private employers, but the federal government would play a large role in providing funding to low income families by assisting individual states. As is often the case with healthcare legislation, the individual provisions to the bill were rather popular with voters. However, the Clinton Administration, for whom the game of politics was a strength, failed to sell the plan to the public. A barrage of attacks and lobbying efforts by insurance and pharmaceutical companies bombarded Congress and the airways. Despite having Democratic majorities in Congress, Clinton's high profile health care overhaul went down in flames. It was the most significant legislative defeat of the young presidency and a very public failure for Hillary Clinton as well. Clinton was also dogged by scandals and investigations. For a man who had already had high profile accusations of marital infidelity, his political opponents and the rapidly growing 24 hour news networks had an appetite for more and more scandals. Sadly, more often that not, Clinton gave them ammunition. From Whitewater, "Travelgate," and "Troopergate", to a sexual harassment lawsuit brought by a woman named Paula Jones, Bill Clinton seemed to have a knack for putting himself in situations and taking actions that were at best shady and at worst unethical and borderline criminal. Such controversies would haunt his presidency and contribute to the Republican Resurgence of 1994.
Now that the Republicans controlled Congress, they pledged a bold conservative agenda that they called the "Contract with America." The House GOP was led by the new Speaker of the House, Newt Gingrich. In Gingrich, Clinton now had a nemesis, someone that he could paint as standing between middle class America and the policies he hoped to pass. In short, without Democratic control of Congress, all of the nation's attention was no longer on Clinton. now Gingrich and his GOP majority would be under public scrutiny. Clinton wisely made a move toward the political center, seeking to work with Congress to do the people's business. Clinton was positioning himself to be viewed as the responsible, moderate, adult in the room in the face of unwavering Republican obstruction. This strategy would service him well. There are several areas in which Clinton, acting as a moderate, worked with Republicans to pass legislation that served him well politically even if they have come to hurt his legacy with the left wing of the Democratic Party in subsequent years. One such area was gay rights. In the early 1990s, gay and lesbian Americans were banned for serving in the military. As a candidate, Clinton supported lifting the ban. However, once in the White House, Clinton, relying on public opinion as his guide, chose a third way that upset both the right and left. Clinton instituted a policy known as "Don't Ask, Don't Tell." In short, the controversial policy allowed for gay and lesbian Americans to serve in the military so long as they kept their sexuality a secret. The GOP was angered because they felt that under no circumstances should gays and lesbians be allowed to serve in the armed forces. The left was upset because they believed Clinton didn't go far enough. They argued, accurately, that as commander-in-chief, Clinton could have ended the ban by executive order much in the same way that President Truman used his pen to integrate the military in the 1940s. In the end, regardless of anyone's personal beliefs about the ethics of the issue, Clinton's third way was far more in line with the general public than either of the positions taken by the far right and left. Public opinion polls at the time showed that only 44% of American supported lifting the ban, while more than 60% supported a position more in line with "Don't Ask, Don't Tell." Over the next 15 years, public opinion shifted dramatically and the ban was lifted, therefore ending the Clinton era policy. The issue of LGBT rights wouldn't go away with "Don't Ask, Don't Tell." In 1995, members of the Republican majority in Congress introduced legislation known as the Defense of Marriage Act, better known as DOMA, which proposed to allow individual states to ignore the marriage status of same-sex couples who were originally married in a different state. The act stood on dubious legal grounds at best, essentially ignoring the Full Faith and Credit clause of Article IV of the Constitution, but nevertheless passed both chambers of Congress with a veto proof majority. There was little Clinton could do. He called the bill "unnecessary and divisive" but quietly signed it into law nevertheless. Many, particularly on the left, look back at this act as a stain on Clinton's progressive legacy. While this position is understandable, one must also consider the politics of the day. Same-sex marriage was not supported by anywhere near a majority of Americans. Clinton argued that, had he vetoed the bill, it would have only been symbolic and easily overturned by Congress. The GOP, he argued, would then run on the issue in 1996 and, if successful, perhaps push for something more significant such as a constitutional amendment outlawing same-sex unions. To Clinton, DOMA was the third way. Years later, as public opinion changed, a then ex-president Bill Clinton called for the repeal of the law. Ultimately, the Supreme Court found that the law was, and always had been, unconstitutional. There are other areas, where Clinton's willingness to work with Republicans served him well, despite not aging well in the eyes of many liberals. There is probably no greater issue than the Violent Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, better known as the Crime BIll. If one spends any time following the circus that is the 2020 Democratic Primary race, they are sure to hear many references to the Crime Bill and the long term consequences of the law; most notably the mass incarceration of African American men. It is still politically relevant today because it was supported by 2016 Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton when her husband signed it into law. Two of the leading Democrats in the field, Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders, also voted in favor of the bill. Reacting to an increase in violent crime, Democrats and Republicans came together to pass the largest law enforcement act in American history. The bill had some positive provisions including a ban on assault weapons and the Violence Against Women Act. However, its "three strikes" provision and reliance on mandatory minimum sentencing led to an huge increase in the prison population throughout the country that disproportionately impacted communities of color. Many on the left have also criticized Clinton for his support of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996. The Republican Congress had made welfare reform a signature part of their "Contract with America" that helped sweep them into office in 1994. Clinton signed the law that replaced the older, perhaps outdated, welfare system by granting more flexibility to states, instituting work requirements, and limiting the amount of time an individual could receive welfare benefits. Critics on the left argued that the act did nothing to address poverty, often pushing recipients toward low paying service jobs that did nothing to help them move up the economic ladder. However, by working with Republicans and acting as the moderate that he was, Clinton prevented the Republicans from successfully labeling him as a big government economic and social liberal. The strategy worked as he was overwhelming reelected in 1996. President Clinton soared to reelection in 1996, winning more than 70% of the electoral vote and besting his Republican opponent by nearly 9 points in the popular vote. Why such a resounding victory? There are several reasons. First, a number of high profile, perhaps more exciting, potential GOP candidates declined to run. This included Gen. Colin Powell, Texas Governor George W. Bush, and Senator John McCain. The GOP was left with a slate of uninspiring candidates to choose from, eventually settling on conservative stalwart, former presidential candidate, Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole of Kansas. Dole, a WWII veteran and long time Senator, was well respected, but at 73 years old was past his political prime especially when compared to the youthful, energetic Clinton. I remember my father remarking that he was concerned that Dole wouldn't survive 4 years in the White House had he been elected. Similar concerns by other voters probably caused quite a few to cast votes for Reform Party candidate Ross Perot rather than Dole. For what it's worth, Bob Dole is still alive and well in 2019 at the age of 95. A second factor contributing to Clinton's reelection was his history of moderation. Painting Democrats as radical liberals and socialists is one of the oldest and most effective tools in the GOP's toolbox. With Clinton, however, the accusations simply didn't stick. Clinton had worked with the GOP on a host of social and economic issues convincing voters that he was a reasonable, middle of the road, administrator. During the budget negotiations of 1995, which led to a government shutdown, Clinton was able to effectively portray the Republican majority in Congress as the radicals in their attempt to make large cuts to education and Medicare. Clinton's approval rating began to rise as a result of the shutdown, while the Congressional Republicans took the majority of the blame for the crisis. However, the major reason for Clinton's reelection was the economy. It is said that voters vote with the pocketbooks. In 1996, most Americans felt that their pocketbooks were a bit heavier than in years past. Clinton was elected in 1992 following a recession by focusing on "the economy, stupid." In 1996, it was the economy that did the trick again. This time, Clinton wasn't promising how he would fix the economy, he was taking credit for the booming economy. The stock market was doing well, unemployment was low, and so was inflation. All of these numbers were great, but most importantly, the benefits of the booming economy were being felt by a wide swath of the electorate. Most notably the middle class, the backbone of the Clinton coalition, were seeing their incomes rise. Over the course of the Clinton presidency, the median household income rose by roughly 15%. In short, the economy seemed to be working for everyone, not just the rich. Does Clinton deserve credit for the booming economy? For that matter, does any president deserve the credit or blame for the health of the economy? The answer is complicated. In truth, all probably receive too much credit when economic times are good and too much blame when things turn south. As for Clinton, there certainly were steps that he took that contributed to the positive economic numbers. The tax plan he and the Democratic Congress passed which cut taxes for lower income workers while making modest increases for the wealthiest of Americans, put the federal government on a sure financial footing which lead to a balanced budget and eventually a budget surplus. Such fiscal responsibility increased the confidence of investors and the business world. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) signed by Clinton early in his administration lead to overall economic growth for the nation, even if its negative impact would be disproportionately felt years later by textile and manufacturing communities suffering from job outsourcing. However, Clinton also happened to be the beneficiary of economic forces outside of his control. The internet was in its infancy and was growing by leaps and bounds throughout the '90s. New "dot com" businesses, as they were known, were springing up left and right. It seemed as if millionaires were being created overnight. The ripple effect throughout the economy was significant. In short, Bill Clinton just so happened to be president at the right time. When the "dot com" bubble would burst years later, Clinton was on his way out of office.
During the 1995 government shutdown, most of the paid White House staff was sent home. This allowed an unpaid intern named Monica Lewinsky to get unusually close to the President. It was during this time that Clinton and Lewinsky engaged in a consensual, but ultimately inappropriate, affair. The affair demeaned the office of the presidency, was morally wrong, and was an egregious violation of ethics regarding relationships between those in power and their subordinates. There was no excuse. If this affair had happened in 2019, I am confident that political leaders of both parties would, rightly, call for Clinton to resign. However, it didn't happen in 2019. It occured over the course of nearly two years between 1995 and 1997 and became caught up in the partisan circus that would come to define the final two years of Clinton's time in office. In truth, no one would have known about the affair had it not been for an unrelated wide ranging investigation into Clinton regarding a sexual harassment lawsuit filed by Paula Jones years earlier and Clinton's financial dealings while governor of Arkansas. However, during the discovering phase of the investigation, Independent Counsel Ken Starr learned about the affair. Clinton originally, famously, denied the relationship. But when evidence surfaced proving otherwise, Clinton came clean. In a prime time address to the nation, Clinton admitted that there had, in fact, been a relationship with Lewinsky that was "inappropriate" and "wrong." He admitted that he had been dishonest. He admitted that he was solely responsible for his actions and had mislead many people, including the First Lady Hillary Clinton. A funny happens throughout American history when politicians admit wrongdoing. The American people become rather forgiving. Polls showed that, while most Americans profoundly disagreed with what the President had done, they were also ready to move on.
Having been rejected at the ballot box, the Republicans in Congress played their final hand in December of 1998. Voting along party lines, the House impeached Bill Clinton for perjury and obstruction of justice. The trial then moved to the Senate which would required a vote of guilty by a 2/3 majority to convict the President and remove him from office. Congressman Lindsey Graham of South Carolina led the prosecution, arguing to Senators that impeachment wasn't about punishing criminal acts, it was about "cleansing the office." It was "about is about restoring honor and integrity to the office." In the end, Graham would be partly correct. It wasn't about punishment, but it wasn't about restoring honor to the presidency either. It was about partisanship plain and simple. After several weeks of Republican prosecution by House members before the Senate, a vote was called. Several Republicans joined with Democrats to cast a "not guilty" vote acquitting the president. A bipartisan majority of Senators and the American people felt that the President lying about his sex life, although inexcusable and unethical, did not meet the standard of "high crimes and misdemeanors" required by the Constitution in order to remove an elected official from office. Bill Clinton would quietly remain in office for the next two years. The nation moved on, the economy continued to expand, his presidency had been saved, but his legacy had forever been tarnished. If a bipartisan group of Senators acquitted Clinton, then how can one claim that his impeachment was little more than a partisan circus? With the luxury of time, we can see what has become of Washington in the years since Bill Clinton left office. It is impossible to fairly analyze the Clinton scandals and impeachment, without examining the alleged crimes of the current occupant of the White House. Many of the same Republicans who pursued impeachment charges against the President for his deception regarding the Lewinsky affair are still in Congress today. Lindsey Graham, the man who led the prosecution of Clinton, is now a Senator from South Carolina. Mitch McConnell, Mike Crapo, Mike Enzi, Chuck Grassley, and until recently Orrin Hatch and Jon Kyl, are still serving in the U.S. Senate. These men, all voted to convict Bill Clinton on both articles of impeachment. These men claimed that Bill Clinton's affair with Lewinsky wasn't just immoral and worthy of condemnation, it was in fact criminal. They claimed that Clinton's improper behavior was so egregious that the Constitution required that they remove him from office. And yet, over the course of the past 3 years, they have looked the other way when more than a dozen women have made credible claims accusing President Donald Trump, a member of their own Republican Party, of sexual harassment and assault. When they received the Mueller Report outlining 10 instances in which President Donald Trump obstructed justice, they dismissed it. They have demonstrated over the past three years, that their actions to remove Clinton from office were not based in principle or fidelity to the Constitution, they were about political power. In many ways, the Clinton presidency was the beginning of the hyper-partisan political world in which we, unfortunately, currently find ourselves. Bill Clinton left office in 2001 still a polarizing figure. He enjoyed approval ratings in the mid 60s. Though many Americans disapproved of his behavior, they largely were able to seperate that from his role as President of the United States. He presided over the greatest period of economic expansion in American history at a time when there was a relative level of peace in the world. The 1990s have been called by some the "last great decade". Americans felt confident in their country, confident in the economy, and confident that the United States had emerged from the Cold War the unquestioned leader of the free world. It was an exciting time in which the world was changing as we approached the dawn of a new millenium. The Clinton Presidency, both the bad and the good, seemed to fit rather well in a culture that was moving toward a new century.
In the years since leaving office, Bill Clinton has stayed very active. After some major health scares in his early post-presidency years, Clinton was back in the arena. He partnered with former political rival George Bush to raise money for the victims of natural disasters. In doing so, he and Bush formed a close personal friendship. The Clinton Foundation has been active in addressing education, environmental, economic, and healthcare challenges throughout the world. And of course, Clinton has stayed politically active in support of his wife, Hillary Clinton. The same year that Hillary Clinton was preparing to end her tenure as First Lady of the United States, she was elected to represent the state of New York in the United States Senate. She then went on to serve as Secretary of State under President Barack Obama. In 2016, Hillary Clinton became the first woman to receive the nomination of a major party in her run for President of the United States. During this time, Bill Clinton once again was able to exercise his substantial stump speech skills becoming a valuable campaign surrogate for his wife. She would go on to receive substantially more votes than the eventual winner who was awarded the presidency by the Electoral College. William Jefferson Clinton's presidency is difficult to assess. He signed into law a significant amount of meaningful and valuable legislation. He also lent his support to a number of laws that, overtime, have come to be seen as problematic at best. At times, his skill as an orator, political messenger, and consensus builder helped the country address some difficult challenges. At other times, his personal behavior made citizens grimince with discomfort. For most presidents, rightly or wrongly, the economy is the measuring stick by which they are assessed. During the 1990s, the nation's economy was as strong as it has ever been at any time in the history of the republic. For this, Clinton deserves some measure of credit. During the Clinton years, the United States was at relative peace with the world. The Cold War was over and the War of Terror, with its many complexities, had yet to begin. Under Clinton's leadership, the United States sat squarely and assuredly in its role as the undisputed economic, military, and political leader of the free world. Yet, despite these many successes, Bill Clinton was never ever to achieve the presidential greatness which his unique talent seemed to have equipped him. For Clinton, it wasn't an unforeseen economic or international crisis beyond his control that stood between him and the rarefied air of great presidents. Rather, it was the many unfortunate personal choices he made that tarnished his reputation and provided ample fodder for his enemies. In the final assessment, Bill Clinton was an effective, talented, capable President of the United States. And yet, one can't help but think that his presidency is a story of unfulfilled potential. Aside from John Adams, no presidential candidate had a more established and impressive resume before being elected to the nation's highest office than George Herbert Walker Bush. As a decorated veteran, successful businessman, legislator, bureaucrat, diplomat, political leader, and Vice President of the United States, the elder Bush lived a life of steady, reliable service to his country. His vast experience prior to his time in the White House led to a presidency that was measured, moderate, and, despite only lasting a single term, ultimately successful. George Bush's life of service began in 1942 not long after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. He enlisted in the Navy and became a pilot. Bush participated in multiple engagements in the Pacific during the Second World War. In September 1943, while on a bombing mission, Bush's aircraft was shot out of the sky by Japanese defenses. Bush managed to eject and parachute into the sea where he was later rescued by an American submarine several hours later. Bush remained in the Navy until the end of the war when he was honorably discharged.
When it became clear that President Nixon had engaged in a criminal cover-up and had abused his power as President of the United States, Bush did something unthinkable in today's Republican Party: he placed the good of the country (and the long term health of a party) above dedication to the president. In the summer of 1974, George Bush, on behalf of the Republican Party, formally asked Nixon to resign. After his tenure as a legislator and the leader of a political party, Bush would go on to become bureaucrat. President Gerald Ford appointed him director of the CIA in 1976. He would remain in this role for two years before briefly returning to the private sector. In 1979, George Bush wanted back in the game and decided to seek the 1980 Republican nomination for President. The crowded field featured a who's who of 1970s GOP politics, however few of the competitors possessed the breadth of experience of George Bush. Unfortunately for the moderate, cautious, establishment Bush, his campaign ran into a political phenomenon in the form of California Governor Ronald Reagan. The former movie actor turned politician was tough-talking, inspirational, and railed against the bigness of a federal government that spend much of the past decade in disarray. Despite some early primary success, Bush couldn't keep up with the momentum of Ronald Reagan who would go on to win the nomination and the presidency.
Numerous administration officials were indicted and later convicted for crimes associated with the scandal, the most famous of which was future Fox News host and NRA President Oliver North, although his charges were later dismissed. Later, during his own presidency, George Bush would pardon 5 of the former Reagan administration officials convicted as a result of Iran-Contra, bringing to an end the most scandalous and controversial aspect of Bush's time in public service. Speaking of his presidency, Bush ran to succeed Reagan in 1988. This time around, Bush campaigned further to the right than he had in the past, particularly on social issues. A conservative Christian himself, Bush tried to appeal to the growing evangelical vote within the Republican ranks. Perhaps this was a necessary move considering that one of his opponents in the primary was televangelist Pat Robertson. Bush won the primary and would go on to face Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis in the general election. Bush's 1988 presidential campaign is remembered for two things: a campaign promise and a controversial ad. Bush made the phrase "Read my lips: no new taxes" the centerpiece of his campaign, promising to maintain the Reaganomic policies of his popular predecessor. The campaign promise was popular, energized the Reagan coalition, and made Bush appear to be a decisive leader. It would also prove to contribute to his undoing in 1992. Bush's controversial campaign ad centered around an individual named Willie Horton a convicted murderer who was temporarily released from a Massachusetts prison as part of a weekend furlough program while Dukakis was governor. Rather than reporting back to prison, Horton ran and months later, while evading capture, assaulted a man, raped his fiance, and stole their vehicle. The Willie Horton ad was meant depict Michael Dukakis as weak on crime for supporting "weekend passes" for violent criminals. To many in the black community however, the ad wasn't about criminal justice, it was about playing on racial stereotypes and designed to scare white voters. According to political science-professor Claire Jean Kim "the insinuation is, if your elect Gov. Dukakis as president, we're going to have black rapists running amok in the country." The ad was effective. And, intentional or not, set the stage for decades of disgraceful campaign ads using racial dog whistles to stoke fear, anger, and resentment within the white electorate. On January 20, 1989, George Herbert Walker Bush was sworn in as the 41st President of the United States. With his victory the previous November, Bush had become the first sitting Vice President to win the presidency since Martin Van Buren in 1836. With the election behind him, Bush faced looming economic problems, a Democrat majority in Congress, and a number of international crises that would come to define his presidency. From the closing days of the Second World War until the late 1980s, the United States had been engaged in a Cold War against the Soviet Union. As a result of the Cold War, the United States and Soviet Union had come perilously close to nuclear war on multiple occasions. In West Berlin and the Korean peninsula, the two superpowers had risked igniting a third world war. In Vietnam, Cuba, Afghanistan, Africa, and the Middle East, the two rivals engaged in a battle for influence in the world. The Soviet Union was America's great enemy in the 20th Century. However, by 1989, major changes were happening in the Soviet Union and its many satellite states in Eastern Europe. Suffering from the economic ruin of communism and under the leadership of a reformer like Mikahil Gorbachev, the Soviet Union was failing. One by one, the communist regimes Eastern European nations were overthrown by citizens seeking a better life. In 1989, borders once closed between democratic and communist nations in Europe were opened creating holes in the Iron Curtain. In the past, the Soviet Union would have sent in tanks to quell the uprising, however overcome with troubles at home, Gorbachev did not act. In the ultimate sign of a changing times, the Berlin Wall fell in November of 1989. With communism falling by the wayside in Europe, Bush made the decision to engage with strategic partners and with the Soviet Union to ensure a smooth and peaceful transition toward democracy for the region. In the coming months, the various republics that made of the vast Soviet state would also declare their independence. In December 1991, the Soviet Union officially dissolved. With the defeat of the Soviet Union, the Cold War had officially come to an end. President Bush was criticized for maintaining a less than jubilant mood. Many American politicians wanted to spike the football and celebrate the end of the defining conflict of the latter half of the 20th Century. Bush, ever the internationalist, knew better. Rather than bragging about the moral, military, and economic superiority of the United States, the president worked the phones. The collapse of the Soviet Union, could spell economic disaster for the region if not handled properly. There was concern about a potential Civil War that might break out in Russia further destabilizing the region. Stockpiles of weapons, including the nuclear material, were now located throughout various sovereign nations with new unproven governments. The potential for such weapons to fall in the hands of terrorist organizations or stateless actors was a real threat. In the coming months, Bush worked with his counterparts in Europe and the new Russian Federation to effectively manage the crisis. In the end, the Cold War ended with a whimper instead of a bang. Although most of the credit belongs to the brave men and women within the Soviet Union who struggled to bring an end to communism in Europe, the world was lucky to have a internationalist in the White House. The United States was the only superpower in the world. The international burden of such stature is great and George Bush, with his vast international experience, was uniquely suited lead the nation, and the free world, through such a tremendous period of change.
While all of these things were true, there were more pragmatic reasons to for the United States to be concerned about the invasion of Kuwait. Iraq's occupation of Kuwait threatened to destabilize the region and prevent western countries from having access to the vast oil reserves of the Middle East. The United States, and its allies, would go to war to protect those oil reserves. However, once again, Bush demonstrated his diplomatic skill. Rather that going into Kuwait with guns ablaze, the Bush Administration, spent months assembling an international coalition to address the crisis. Bush worked through the United Nations, with our NATO allies, and with Muslim partners in the region. In total, Bush had formed a coalition of 34 countries committed to expelling Iraq from Kuwait. Although, the overwhelming number of troops came from the United States, many countries, including Arab partners, contributed soldiers to the cause. After four weeks of aerial bombardment, the ground war began. Within hours, the Iraqi army was in full retreat. By the end of February 1991, the war was over. Iraq had been expelled from Kuwait. Bush made the controversial decision to leave Saddam Hussein in power. He understood that in order to remove Saddam, American soldiers would have had to invade Iraq and occupy Baghdad. Such a move would have cost the United States the support of its allies and partners and made the U.S. responsible for a costly and deadly regime change. Years later, the disastrous invasion and occupation of Iraq in 2003 ordered by President George W. Bush, revealed the wisdom of his father's decision in 1991.
One example of Bush's willingness to compromise was in the budget negotiations with Congress. Following years of Reaganomics, the federal government faced record deficits. While many in the Republican Party demanded deep cuts to federal programs, hoping to cut their way out of the financial hole that had been created, Bush compromised with Democrats and allowed for an increase in taxes for high income earners. For a man who made "no new taxes" the centerpiece of his campaign, this was a stark reversal. The move was unpopular with conservatives, but no doubt helped lead to the financial strength that supported the economic expansion and federal surpluses of the 1990s. Such moderation was falling out of favor with the GOP.
At the same time, the U.S. economy was falling into recession. While the overall economy was retracting unemployment rate began to steadily and stubbornly grow. For all of President Bush's international success, there was a growing feeling that he was ill equipped to deal with the kitchen table issues facing everyday Americans. This opened the door for the Democrats. The dynamic, smooth talking Governor of Arkansas Bill Clinton won the nomination of the Democratic Party in 1992. Clinton focused on economic struggles of middle class Americans in an attempt to win back the kind of voters that had abandoned the party in the 1980s. His campaign correctly argued that the 1992 election was about one issue: "It's the economy, stupid." Next to Clinton, President Bush looked old, cold, and out of touch. Perhaps, Bush would have been able to defeat Clinton had it not been for an outsider who played the role of spoiler. Texas billionaire Ross Perot entered the race in 1992 running as an Independent focused on deficits and economic growth. Perot would go on to win 18.9% of the vote, the best showing for a third party candidate since Teddy Roosevelt in 1912. The three way race helped to pave the way for Clinton to win overwhelmingly in the Electoral College despite winning only 43% of the popular vote. George Bush left office in 1993 stinging from his unlikely defeat, but ready to embark on a post presidential career of public service. In 2004, Bush and Clinton put away past differences and traveled to Asia to help raise money for the victims of the Indian Ocean tsunami that had killed tens of thousands. The trip would be a turning point for Bush and Clinton as the ex-presidents went on to become partners and close friends. The two would join forces again to raise money to aid the victims of Hurricane Katrina in 2005. In 2009, a U.S. Naval aircraft carrier was commissioned as the USS George H W. Bush in his honor. In 2011, he was awarded the nation's highest civilian honor, Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Barack Obama. In the end, George Herbert Walker Bush proved to be a capable, principled, leader who led the United States and the western world through a tremendous period of international transition. More statesman than politician, his life of public service was of tremendous benefit to the United States, even if he was unable to rally the American public to his domestic agenda. He was perfectly suited for the diplomatic and military challenges of his day, just as he was a victim of the economic circumstances of his presidency. When he died in 2018, he was eulogized as a true patriot by Republicans and Democrats alike. George Bush was one of the last of the so-called "Greatest Generation" that spent their youth fighting fascism before going on to build the United States into the superpower it would become. It was a generation more dedicated to principle than to politics. More dedicated to country than to party. George Bush would be out of place in the modern political world and would have no place in the Republican Party of 2019. He was a moderate, an internationalist, a man of genuine faith and principles. He and his generation might be all but gone, but there is still much to learn from their example of public service. |
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